OPINION: Ten Years After UN R1325, A Neat Revolution in Search of Warriors

The commemoration of UN Resolution 1325 represents an opportunity to look back and forward by building on the cumulative experiences and lessons learned in view of openly addressing the gaps that are impeding any significant progress it can and should make.

This original resolution called for special protection of women and children in conflict situations whilst also recognizing the use of violence as a weapon against them. Its revolutionary vision lies in two crucial elements. Firstly, the recognition of the importance of the role of women through participation and representation in conflict prevention, management and resolution as well as their right to be included in all types of negotiations and peace agreements. Secondly, this responsibility is spread along the stakeholders' panorama, so that every actor engaged in the field and on the international scene is made responsible for the inclusion of women in a traditionally masculine world and for the implementation of subsequent changes. These two major innovations represent a shift from the traditional vision of women in a conflict situation as mere victims in need of protection. From now on, women are also welcomed as main actors and encouraged to take part in negotiations, deserving the right of active participation and representation.

The UN system sets an example by calling for evolution within its own structure and processes, in particular by taking into consideration its military and civilian components. Far from being restricted to internal impulses towards a greater awareness within its own ranks, this must be viewed as a worldwide call to trigger concrete action within civil society, NGOs, diplomatic missions, UN Member States, the EU, the OSCE, the AU and other international organizations.

To date, this largely remains a "paper revolution". Even if this generates a normative doctrine, such as the preparation of ambitious National Action Plans in 24 UN member states, the resolution still needs to be translated into effective action. Indeed, significant misunderstandings on the real implications have not yet been clarified and promising outcomes, which would ultimately be the "added value" expected from the inclusion of women in the realms of peacekeeping and peace building, are even developing within UN member states own foreign policy, both in the Northern or Southern hemispheres without collective action.

The UN system itself has recently tried to tackle observed shortages through the establishment of monitoring and evaluating the progress made. UN Member States are making efforts to translate gender mainstreaming into results by incorporating a budget and program of implementation. Finally, regional security organizations such as the EU, the OSCE and NATO are taking measures to increase women's participation within civil and military operations.

However, ten years after the adoption of Resolution 1325, both the evaluation of the implementation of Resolution 1325 and experiences drawn from the field, offer a negative if not worrying picture. Firstly, gender mainstreaming continues to be viewed as a "technical" instrument mostly relying on quantitative measures, which do not address the real causes of exclusion of women. Secondly, field experiences highlight that the inclusion of women and the creation of "gender machineries" continue to be seen as an "outsider phenomenon" which has not been locally embraced and mostly involve female participants. Furthermore, despite official pledges on the role of gender in conflict settings, the shortcomings persist, or have not been properly addressed both domestically and by external donors in the countries in conflict.

We argue that affirmative actions shall be accompanied by measures dealing with the real causes of reduced participation of women in conflict and post-crisis security settings. This open process needs to begin simultaneously within modern societies and within post-conflict countries. Furthermore, "norms production" needs to be initiated within societies where civil society actors should be duly empowered. Endorsing a bottom-up approach would increase the appropriation and sustainability of these processes. For instance, National Action Plans and their subsequent activities need to display a holistic approach and foresee long-term interventions, concretely targeting the dynamics of exclusion, gender role constructions and socio-economic and power relations within a society.

Ultimately, women's participation in decision-making should no longer be seen as a unique instances. All actors are concerned and it is the society as a whole that should welcome the benefits of guaranteeing inclusion and full participation and representative decision mechanisms.

Notwithstanding this normative "paper revolution”, its first premature effects should not be seen as minimalist or reductionist. Any steps that contribute to strengthening female participation in security-supporting arrangements should be welcomed as a positive sign. This, should not prevent a continuous critical assessment of their respective merit. The twofold goal here should be to prevent the measures undertaken from hiding the reality of women's situation, and to foster long term involvement of women at all levels of society, beyond any kind of preconceived ideas and with a strong male political backing.

But all roads lead to ... politics: Do we have a clear vision as for the benefits of a greater inclusion of women in decision-making? Do our political leaders really want the emergence of powerful and self-conscious women taking the lead of society and therefore of their lives?

With the commemoration of Resolution 1325's implementation, the present time is the best moment to revitalize the transatlantic ties on these issues by joining our efforts within and transversally in the concerned organizations. This should be done by building on the cumulated experiences and lessons learnt in view of openly addressing the gaps that are impeding any significant progress in its implementation. In sum, tackling the real causes of exclusion of women from conflict negotiations, peace building and peacekeeping efforts should be a bottom-up, open and long-term process engaging all male and female political, economic, security and civilian actors. Only in this manner can the innovative acquisitions in the normative field be materialized.