In 2016 the Commission on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women will meet for the following se
In 2016 the Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (UPR) working group reviewed the following states:
In 2016, key disarmament events will include:
2015 Year Wrap-Up
By: Ghazal Rahmanpanah, Programme Associate (PeaceWomen)
Period of Time and Topic: This report provides a midterm update on major developments and the implem
Engaging Men and Boys; Disengaging Violent Masculinities
October 2015 marked the 15th anniversary of the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) and the Women,
The report's data focus on seven indicators: accessing institutions, using property, getting a job, providing incenti
On Tuesday (17 November, 2015) under the presidency of The United Kingdom Secretary of State for I
For November 2015, in which the United Kingdom has the presidency of the UN Security Council, the MAP provides recomm
October and Beyond: Shifting the Gaze from Government and UN to #FemDefenders as Builders of Peace
Released by the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet (PM&C), the interim review was conducted by the independ
On Tuesday 13 October 2015, under the Spanish presidency of Prim
Delivering on the Women, Peace and Security Agenda: Overcoming Challenges for Peace and Gender Justice
In 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 to uphold women’s rights in conflict and their roles in peace and security. Despite signs of progress, the impact on women’s lives and roles worldwide has been sporadic. This briefing argues that 15 years on, the UN and Member States should use a formal review of the Women, Peace and Security agenda as a crucial opportunity to address key gaps. New commitments should focus on women’s participation, preventing conflict and gender-based violence, monitoring and implementation, and financing.
This paper draws on consultations with other organiations and experts in the field as well as on Oxfam’s experience as a humanitarian and development organisation working in more than 90 countries with a substantial track record of programmes supporting women’s rights and empowerment. The paper makes particular use of evidence and analysis from programmes in Afghanistan, Iraq, Myanmar, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen.
Inclusive peace processes are slowly replacing the traditional exclusive peace deals negotiated solely between two or more armed groups. From Colombia to Libya or Myanmar, current peace processes seek to broaden participation even at the highest level of official peace negotiations. Though women often take part in these negotiations, overall mediators and policy-makers are still resistant to greater inclusion of women. This problem derives from the lack of research-based knowledge able to extend the debate beyond normative claims of the importance of women’s inclusion.
With a team of more than 30 researchers, the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva has just concluded a multi-year research on “Broadening Participation in Political Negotiations and Implementation” (2011-2015) analysing how inclusion works in practice by comparing 40 in-depth case studies of peace and constitution-making negotiations and their implementation from the period 1990 to 2013. The project assessed the role of all actors included additionally alongside the main conflict parties such as civil society, religious actors, business and also women’s groups. Key findings and recommendations for mediators, donors, civil society organisations and their partners are presented here.
The purpose of this paper is to highlight how the growing crisis of legitimacy in the relationship between citizens and governance institutions relates to the multilateral system. Given that the essence of multilateralism rests in the state, the efficiency and legitimacy of the multilateral system as a whole is affected when the state finds itself under stress, or no longer constitutes the primary source of political identification. While the United Nations does not traditionally address peace and security challenges internal to the state, its mechanisms—at both the internal and inter-governmental level—continue to be hampered by the reverberations of distinctly “national” problems and their transnational permutations. Its role in this regard is to uphold the norms and rules-based system enshrined in its Charter and to be at the helm of appropriate and effective multilateral responses to these challenges.
The nexus between local, national, regional and global governance requires closer scrutiny. To revitalise its role at the center of multilateral governance, the United Nations must strengthen is capacity to engage with both international and local partners. While the UN remains the best placed and most legitimate vehicle for international action, an emphasis on greater cooperation with regional and subregional organisations, civil society actors, and the private sector, would help bolster its standing as an effective leader in setting norms, coordinating responses, delivering services, and providing assistance when necessary. The reality that regional organisations and powerful member states have at times bypassed the UN can result in the unfortunate perception that the latter is redundant. Such an assumption is ultimately false given that the UN Security Council remains the only instrument mandated by international law to authorize enforcement actions to maintain or restore international peace and security. Stronger engagement and bolstered cooperation would thus be mutually beneficial. While the UN does not have to “be” everywhere, it still needs to be able to rely on functional partnerships and a holistically sound protocol for approaches on regional governance, in conjunction with the national and local level.
Despite the historic importance of the women, peace, and security agenda, results that have come directly from implementation of Resolution 1325 have been limited. In short, this report explains that after the adoption of Resolution 1325, the UN and its members have collectively failed to follow through. The Security Council has not taken sufficient ownership of the agenda, displaying a lack of political will and leadership in developing substantive monitoring mechanisms, and failing as an institution to focus efforts of the UN Secretariat and Member States on concrete strategies that would result in more meaningful results. Although both Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and former Secretary-General Kofi Annan have spoken publicly about the importance of advancing the women, peace, and security agenda, neither mobilised substantial resources to ensure its implementation. All together, there has been a substantial gap between the promise of Resolution 1325 and its implementation in practice.